Open Books, Open Minds: The Great Game of Business

In 1983, Jack Stack led a group of employees to buy-out a division of International Harvester, the Springfield Remanufacturing Company (SRC). But Stack and his associates where not just interested in building another business, but a new kind of business. It would be an employee-owned business, to be sure, and that was rare enough. But Stack wanted more. He wanted employees who had enough business knowledge to run the company themselves. Ownership was not enough; the employees had to be their own bosses. But to do that, they had to have business skills and access to the books. The key, he realized, was open-book management and business education. So the books, all of the books, were open to all of the employee-owners. Going beyond that, he established "The Great Game of Business," a system of informal but continuous education, which raises all employees up and allows all of them to make informed judgments about the course of the business. Of the success of this system, Mr. Stack says, "We've had dozens of employees rise from the shop floor to top management positions, and they're far better qualified than a lot of MBAs I see."

Twenty years ago, the PBS Newshour ran a segment on SRC, and tonight they revisited the company to see how they were weathering the current economic storms. It is worth seeing this segment:



What Jack Stack and his colleagues are giving us is a practical lesson in The Principle of Gratuitousness, which Pope Benedict identified in his latest encyclical. Far from being a mere platitude, it is a practical principle of business, far more practical than most of what is taught at b-schools. Stack understands that the business is really about the people who are part of it, and to build the business, you must build the people, by ownership, by education, by trusting them to make good decisions.

In this day, when nothing seems to be working, we at the Distributist Review need to be on the lookout for things that do work. And this works. As Jack Stack says:

When you open your books--really open them--you also open your mind, and neither your books nor your mind will be closed again.

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The market and the moral man


Free Market advocates often make arguments for the strength of their system based on the strength of the market, or the effects that may be produced by the market for the economy, society, technology, etc.

When however, we come to the subject of morality, there is very little cause effect argumentation which is demonstrated for the market and morals. This is because it is painfully obvious that the market does not of its own workings produce moral men. This does not mean by contrast, that there are no moral men in business today, though in places like Goldman and Sachs they are no doubt difficult to find. Rather, I mean to say that when we look at the effects of the market on man, we must say that it creates primarily greed, and spirals to many other vices.

Moreover, the market does not of its own accord make the populace moral. If by no other method, we could show this by tracing the decline in religion and morals since the advent of English Capitalism in the 18th century. The most preeminent case to be made against the market in the area of morals, is pornography.

In the year 2000, Hollywood put out just over 400 feature films. The "adult entertainment" industry, so-called, produced 11,000. This is not some communist scheme to undermine American morals. Crypto-commies are not funneling millions into production and spiriting away billions to fund revolution for the proletariat. Quite the contrary, the rise of the "adult" industry, which was estimated at $5 million in 1970 is estimated around $10 billion today (Reefer Madness, Sex drugs and cheap labor in the American black market, by Eric Schlosser, pg. 115) is due precisely to the demands of the market. This is not merely a modern phenomenon, it started in the 1920s where peep shows, seedy stores and back alley theaters began making profits from men who would slip away. I mention by the way communists because in arguing this point previously with a colleague, he argued pornography's presence was due to the ACLU, which is sadly naive at best.

Two main revolutions happened to increase both the demand and the distribution of pornography by moving it out of the seedy back alley into the home or an accepted mainstream. The first was Hugh Heffener, who took sex to the next level and moved his cut and paste operation on his kitchen table to his first issue with a Marylin Monroe centerfold which printed 70,000 copies in its first run. Within three years he had a millions subscribers.
The second, and far less known, is a hard working entrepreneur by the name of Reuben Sturman. Sturman worked hard selling comic books he had obtained which were sent back to the publisher or to be destroyed, and moved into several other fields. The success of Playboy had brought about numerous imitations, and the high demand for magazines and books caught his eye. Seeing the chance to make money Sturman embarked on distribution of as much as he could get his hand on. This is important, whether Sturman viewed the stuff he distributed is largely immaterial, he was a hardworking businessman who saw a chance to make millions, like any good entrepreneur, and he went for it. He was not a communist or an ACLU guru, he was a hard working capitalist responding to the demand of the market, and even increasing the demand. When he came hard up against obscenity laws, he laid out a clever procedure, sue the government and drag cases out. To avoid the government, he began setting up shell companies for distribution and paying men money just to have a name on paper who didn't even have to do anything. At one point, according to Schlosser, Sturman actually picked names out of phone books to make as CEOs of distribution companies.

A clever businessman, Sturman realized that his business could be taken to the next level, and in 1976 prepared for the audio visual tape, we know today as VCR. Hollywood studies resisted the medium, but adult video was ready for it and in 1979 75% of all video cassettes were pornography. (Schlosser pg. 148) This means functionally that the porn industry was responsible for the launch of the VCR. He would not have entered into a medium that was at first cost prohibitive unless the demand was there. Sturman's logic is impeccable, most of his clients don't want to handle the stuff, and most men who deal in porn or would otherwise venture to a seedy theater are afraid of the social stigmas attached to it, or if the wives find out (since most women, retaining their common sense, have righteous indignation over the sacrilege against their wedding vows. People commonly site playgirl as evidence of womens' interest in porn, but the majority of the subscribers are gay men); thus Sturman took the business to them.

In 1992, after failing for 20 years to prosecute Sturman for obscenity, the he was prosecuted for tax evasion once one of his Swiss bank accounts were discovered. This ended his control over distribution and control of adult entertainment. He had established numerous front companies, which with him out of the picture took control themselves. As I mentioned, in the year 2000, Hollywood produced over 400 feature films. The porn industry produced 11,000. This is due to the market. People want these products. It is the largest export in America and perhaps the most shameful tribute to our decadence.

All of this should serve as a reminder that the "market" is a-moral, it is not moral in itself or immoral. It is a tool, and it must be controlled by a user as all tools. Irrespective of who controls it, it will be controlled because there is in truth no such thing as a "free" market. It is simply the market, and it will be controlled by those with the most wealth in influence if there is a vacuum, and if the government exerts too much control such as in a command economy or a communist country, there will be little activity in the market to sustain healthy economic activity. Yet the market is not capable of producing moral men, it is only capable of producing goods to be bought and sold. Sturman is an example of a product of the market, and if anything a champion of it. He responded to demand by increasing and distributing the supply, including financing new mediums that would take years to hit critical mass such as VCR. He did it by contributing to America's moral decline and descent into anarchy.

The fact is, and this can be observed in all societies and follows from natural law, vicious men must be controlled either from the inside (by changing their will, doing penance and converting to good) or from the outside (prison). A society that becomes dominated by vicious men is doomed. This is due to the fact that it can not operate for the common good. Those in charge look to what pleases them, and we see this today with our representatives in government. They don't care about the common good of this country. Men do not care what is good for their families. As Pope Leo XIII observed in Rerum Novarum, the family is the basic building block of society. As the family goes, so does society. Plain and simple.

Thus the market needs to be regulated by some force, not necessarily by a central government, it can also be by a local government accountable to its local citizens. Yet if a government does not rule justly, then men will rule for themselves and when that happens the most puerile and wealthy rule for their own interest. As the old rule goes, might makes right, and when man is left to his own devices, without grace, he will incline toward evil, not good, because the will is fixed on imperfect goods after the fall.

Michael Novak observed, in response to Sohltshenitsyn's Harvard address, that he would rather see a government that allowed pornography because that meant we are free. This is the same bedrock principle of men such as Sturman, Heffner and Flynt, they should be absolutely free to market filth, and to profit from it. The problem is it is not true freedom. Even if all of religion were wrong and porn were okay rather than a complete degradation of the human person to an animal and sense experience without dignity, the concept itself does not represent freedom, but anarchy. If everyone is free to do what he wills he is not capable of choosing the good, or at least, something outside himself. He is only free to choose what is on the inside, what he immediately desires. This principle is the complete corruption of the common good. There are some things which are more important than market forces, and which need to be suppressed. Now could the government stop all pornography if it criminalized it? Probably not. This is a long standing problem stretching back to the 19th century when the work of some entrepreneurial French photographers had produced a flood of nude photos circulating around the US and especially in the Union Army. Yet a culture which vilifies and prosecutes porn, keeping it out of the public as best it can, will find that vicious men are kept in control, and is a fundamentally healthier society than where men are free to do whatever the market leads them. Just ask your wife.

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We Are All Goldman Sachs

I should not eat Snickers Bars in the afternoon. While it is not yet illegal, and probably not immoral, it is certainly fattening. But I like the veneer of chocolate and by now my body has become dependent on the food-like substance of the interior and my brain dependent on the chemical additives with unpronounceable names. So I sauntered down to the diner in the first floor of our office building and checked myself into the small diner for my afternoon fix.

Diners like these are one of the last bastions of free enterprise in the country, run by the lady who owns it. No doubt some day one day it will become a branch of DineMart, and the owner-cook will become an hourly Food Preparation Specialist, forbidden by corporate policy to serve anything that actually resembles food, but for now it remains an honest establishment. It is some standard features. The upright cooler with glass doors that contains a variety of the those various combinations of corn syrup, caffeine and red dye that we imbibe in great quantities because it would be Just Terrible if we had a glass of beer or wine with lunch. It has a machine which, if you inject a little plastic capsule into it and push a button, will churn out a hot brown liquid whose taste reminds many people of coffee. A few tables and chairs, a counter with a cooler for the various salads, and a grill and cooking equipment behind the counter completes the ensemble. For a few dollars you can get a large breakfast and a decent lunch, and the menu is surprisingly creative and varied for such a small place.

I doubt if the business is all that lucrative. It is a small office building, slowly leaking tenants as the recession (now declared “over”) takes its toll. The prices are low enough that there can't be much of a margin, and surely she lacks any buying power and pays retail for her ingredients. But it is her's and it's honest and forms a decent amenity for our shrinking cadre of office grinds.

But the first thing I noticed was that the candy bar rack was empty. “Hey,” I called out, “Who's the Vice-President of Junk Food?”

“I am,” said the owner.

“Well, where are the Snickers Bars?”

“I had to put all the candy behind the counter.”

“Why?” I asked, thinking that it was some weird new “health” regulation, which are surely the bane of operations like these.

“People steal them. When I turn my back to cook, they slip them into their purses or pockets.”

“What?” I had difficulty processing this information. Who would steal from this lady? Since the clientele is mostly the office workers who see her regularly, it must be people who know her. “I'm a real estate agent,” I said, “I know how to steal. You don't steal candy bars!”

Amateurs. There is nothing a professional hates worse than competition from amateurs.

“And I can't keep dollar bills in the tip jar. People take them.” This is astounding. Stealing tips? It's unbelievable.

It is in moments like these that I most fear for the future of the Republic. Trouble in the life of a nation comes as reliably as trouble in the life of a person. It is not the trouble that destroys us, but how we respond to it. That the people at the top are thieves, the people who run Goldman Sachs, for example, is hardly surprising; corruption at the top is nearly an historical constant. What holds society together is what happens at the “bottom,” as it were. All the little courtesies which make a community possible, a community where you don't have to hide the Snickers and the tips.

For example, in the 1930's, when the depression and the dust-bowl forced the Okies to migrate to California (“Thereby raising the IQ of both states,” as Will Rogers observed) they carried, along with their mean collection of possessions, some things of real value. Strong families, solid morals, a willingness to work. And we survived the depression in good order, in ways that Germany did not. Germany was surely a civilized country, but the breakdown of trust and decency led, as it will, to indecent actions, actions that brought the world down in an orgy of violence and hatred. High civilization is no substitute for common courtesy.

What will our future be like? If stealing tips is general enough to make us hide them, then I think there might be some dangers for us. I look at my generation, and I am ashamed. We got everything, and paid for nothing, leaving our children debts they cannot repay, and a nation that needs to be rebuilt. I look at the Tea Partiers of my age, the ones who object to socialized medicine for the young because it might compromise the socialized medicine they already have. They object to paying taxes, but object equally to cutting any services. They want their wars, their pensions, their socialized healthcare, and they want the children to pay for it. My colleagues—all supporters of limited government—are angry that the $8,000 subsidy to home-buyers is about to expire. We want what we want. We just don't want to pay for it. And we look at our children and say, “Where did we go wrong?”

I am no better at the small courtesies. I see this lady two or three times a month, and I do not know her name. We meet in real life, not on the internet, so we have no handle, no avatar, by which to greet each other. Our relations are increasingly impersonal, which makes rudeness and theft easier. (BTW, we at the Distributist Review live in a something of a bubble in this regard. Compare the discussion of my recent post on Goldman Sachs with the discussion on the same post at “BlogsforVictory”. Scary stuff.) We need to have a real political dialog. We need to tackle the serious tasks of rebuilding the economy and society. We cannot do that, as our grandparents did it, with the morals of Goldman Sachs.

And we are all Goldman Sachs now.

Note: No promotional fees or other considerations were paid for any product placements in this blog. But I think Snickers ought to pay me.


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Aristotle and Aquinas, Bank Regulators

Okay, so after years of inaction, the SEC has finally taken the offensive. True, they went after a small deal, a mere billion in “designed to fail” CDO's on which Goldman Sachs made a paltry $15 million, an amount which, in the overall scheme of these frauds, doesn't even amount to a rounding error, as Gretchen Morgenson pointed out. Still, it's enough to damage the reputation of Goldman Sachs, perhaps fatally, and perhaps enough to re-establish the SEC as a regulatory force. However, there is a deep problem: what should the regulators be regulating?

We live in an age of regulation. But surprisingly, there are very few principles of regulation. As Karl Polyanyi said, “Laissez-faire was planed; planning was not.” Planning always seems to be something that always arises ad hoc, to address a particular situation, but hangs on and acquires a life (and a bureaucracy) of its own, even after the situation changes. The result is that we are simultaneously over-regulated and under-regulated; we have thousands of pages of regulations that deal with situations that don't require any, and no regulation in areas that need to be closely watched. The regs raise formidable barriers to competition, as the small businessman often finds that the cost and trouble of dealing with them is an insurmountable barrier to entering a given business. This leaves only the large players, for whom such regulation is a mere nuisance, a cost of doing business that brings a benefit of reduced competition. And since there are fewer competitors, they tend to be more politically powerful, and proceed to capture the very regulatory bodies that are intended to curb them. The government becomes, in effect, the protector of the oligarchs rather than their regulator.

The current case is a case in point. We often hear how “complex” these schemes are, but in fact this fraud was simplicity itself. Goldman Sachs allowed a certain hedge fund trader, John Paulson, to put together a group of mortgages that would be packaged into a CDO, a “collateralized debt obligation” which was sold to Goldman's investors. However, Paulson was also known to be shorting the mortgage market. Paulson deliberately assembled a package of loans whose underlying risk was much higher than the credit ratings indicated. Goldman Sachs then marketed Paulson's poison-pill CDO to other banks, pension funds, and individuals. But Paulson, knowing the true risk of the security, purchased CDSs on the package. A CDS (“credit default swap”) is an insurance policy on a security that pays off when the underlying security fails. But the term “underlying security” is a fiction; Mr. Paulson did not own the CDO he was insuring. There was no “underlying security.” It is like buying a fire insurance policy on your neighbor's house, and hoping it burns down.

Goldman Sachs didn't bother to tell its investors that the CDO was put together by someone who was betting that it would fail. Instead, they said in their prospectus that it was put together by somebody else. Why they bothered with this lie is a bit of a mystery, since nobody ever actually reads a prospectus.

The man at Goldman responsible for selling these securities, Fabrice Tourre, knew they were about to fail. In an e-mail to a colleague, he stated,

More and more leverage in the system. The whole building is about to collapse anytime now... Only potential survivor, the fabulous Fab[rice Tourre]... standing in the middle of all these complex, highly leveraged exotic trades he created without necessarily understanding all of the implications of those monstrosities!!!"

You can bet that wasn't in the prospectus. But if there is one thing that both Democrats and Republicans agreed about in the 90's, it was that these “monstrosities” didn't need to be regulated. The market for them was composed of sophisticated investors who were more than capable of evaluating the risks and taking the losses, should their be any, and the public need not trouble themselves about such things. Senator Phil Gramm led the Republican efforts to deregulate this market, joined by such Democratic stalwarts as Robert Rubin and Larry Summers, and President Clinton signed the bill with little fanfare in 1999. But as things turned out, when the highly leveraged bets brought down the whole economy, the risks were socialized, and the profits were privatized. The US Treasury became the hedge funds Ultimate Hedge.

So what should the regulators be doing? One could pass this off as mere fraud, which is already illegal, but that would miss the point. The practice of touting such complex instruments to customers while shorting them in your own portfolio is common enough. Indeed, the appetite for these CDO's was immense, but the number of solvent borrowers in the mortgage market is limited. To meet the demand, banks and mortgage companies pushed their loan officers to ignore underwriting standards and to make as many loans as possible, prudent or not. For example, in one CDO examined by Roger Lowenstein, on 43 percent of the underlying loans, the lender hadn't bothered to verify the borrower's employment and income. These were part of the famous “Liar Loans” and NINJA loans (“No-income, no job or assets.”)

So what can be done, apart from sending a bank regulator on every loan interview? For one thing, we could listen to Aristotle on this subject. Not too long ago, a Prominent Economist told me that Aristotle had nothing to teach us about modern finance. I beg to differ; Aristotle, and the Scholastics who adopted his approach to economics, were surprisingly sophisticated on these topics, while so many Prominent Economists are surprisingly naïve. Indeed, Aristotle left us a principle of commerce that serves very well as a principle of regulation. This principle is the distinction he makes between natural and unnatural exchange. Modern commentators, who make no distinctions, have viewed this as a mere primitive hostility to business; actually, it was a shrewd appreciation of commerce. For Aristotle, natural exchange was that which was necessary for the provisioning of the family (the true meaning of economics.) Unnatural exchange that which had only money as it object.

The former is “natural” because it limits itself; that later unnatural because is has no natural limits. For example, a man wishing to buy bread for his family will buy only as much as he needs; this is a natural exchange. But a man wishing only to make money in the bread biz may wish to buy up all the bread and corner the market so as to raise prices and make a fortune on others' necessities; this is an unnatural exchange. When applied to finance, a transaction is natural when it is when it is firmly and directly tied to the production of some actual product; it is unnatural the more abstract and derivative it becomes, and when its only object is to make money rather than profit from production. Thus, we may say that banks directly financing home purchases or construction are natural transactions, and less natural when they become “securitized,” bundled together and sold in packages to remote investors who will have no contact with the actual homes, banks, or borrowers. The situation becomes even more abstract when you speak of securitizing the securities (“CDO-Squared” or even “CDO-Cubed”) or with CDSs, which become pure speculative bets on the market. The more abstract the instrument, the more closely it should be scrutinized.

As things now stand, we have reversed Aristotle's order: the natural exchanges are highly regulated, while the unnatural ones are often unregulated. In more normal times, when you went to George Bailey to get a mortgage, he squinted at you real hard to see if you are the kind of person who will pay him back for 30 years. George needs little oversight to encourage him to be prudent, since he has the bank's capital and the depositors' money at risk. But if George merely intends to securitize the loan, then he merely glances at you to see if you are the kind of person who will pay for two weeks, because after that you are somebody else's problem. In the meantime, dear old George has made a bundle on excessive loan fees and commissions on the sale of the security. George has every reason to write every loan he can, even liar loans, because they all bring him a profit, and he hopes he can park the loss with someone else. And even if he can't, he knows that the Fed is there to provide him with any amount of “liquidity” he may require, and if he gets big enough, he can always call on the United States Treasury, since the consequences of his actions will be catastrophic; he is in a position to blackmail an entire nation, or even the entire world.

Applications of this principle will be fairly obvious, in most cases. Take the example of CDSs. As an insurance policy, it is surely a natural exchange, a real service that guards against real loss. But when people insure things they do not own, the exchange becomes unnatural and the CDS becomes a mere speculative bet on a given market, one that produces no social gains. The rule should be a rather simple one: “No harm, no foul.” If there is no loss suffered, there should be no claim paid. If you do not own the failing security, you cannot claim a loss on it. Consider that at its height, the notional value of the CDS market was $600 trillion, or eleven times the GDP of the entire planet. Likewise, MBSs and CDOs, should be subject to heavy scrutiny, and even more so when they are squared or cubed; the amount of the regulation is given by their distance from the “real” transaction to which they refer.

In the bad old days, before we became enlightened, we had to think things through for ourselves. Now we have farmed the job out to experts who claim to understand the complexities that their own “expertise” created. In those times, philosophers did not hesitate to address themselves to mundane subjects of commerce and kingship, and every theologian worth his stipend routinely addressed matters of state and business. It was considered part of their job. But the “experts” have, once again, botched things up; Fab Tourre failed to understand the monstrosities he created, although he did understand how to profit from them, at our expense; he was an expert in all the wrong things. It may be time to call again on the philosophers; the Prominent Economist may have to subject his thought to the theologian, the banker to the philosopher.

The SEC has finally moved, albeit somewhat after the fact. It may be merely a political ploy, a way for the Administration to put some pressure on the Republicans, who have vowed to stop any banking regulation, no matter what. The Administration will dribble out cases like this from now to election day, and will call some votes in the Senate that will be stopped short of action by the Republicans. They will force the Republicans to stop them from doing what they don't want to do, make real reforms. They can embarrass the Republicans, even in front of their Tea-Party supporters, while not actually having to take any action. Politically, it's a good deal, and may give them some leverage going into November.

But just in case anybody does want real reform, we might turn to those who have given the market real thought, thought that has survived 2,500 years of scrutiny. Bank regulation is a MEGO subject (“My Eyes Glaze Over”), and if you, loyal reader, have gotten this far in this essay, it is likely that you are a nerd or have mild Asberger's Syndrome; you may be the kind of person who would actually read a prospectus. But despite the lack of interest and understanding, we must have some public interest in these things, apart from the “experts” like Fabrice Tourre and John Paulson. We cannot do without a proper finance system. Between the planting and the harvest, there is a gap, and likewise between opening a production line and the sale of a product. This gap must be financed. But finance itself must be made to serve this gap, to bridge it for the common good. When it has no other point but to enrich the few at the expense of the many, then the real economy has no future, and if it has no future then neither do we, nor do our children. We could do worse than turning the system over to people who have read a little Aristotle and Aquinas.


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Yes to a Plan, No to this One

While I have never voted Democrat, have no Democratic sympathies or interest in joining their ranks, more and more I’ve become convinced the complaints about government interference on the part of the right are not over abortion, Obama, or an Orwellian future but about the preservation of a “pristine” conservatism and the thinning of wallets. This time Marx isn’t waging class warfare; the very capitalists are declaring it. And time and again conservatives raise the argument that public insurance violates Catholic Social Teaching.

My objections to the current Bill that passed the Congress and was signed into law by President Obama are based on sincere objections about the mechanics of the law. In particular I believe this plan will only benefit the already fat insurance companies, Big Pharma, fail in its goal to help the poor, and stifle any serious attempt to stop contraception, abortion, and other pro-life objectives. However, I should be clear that I do not oppose a plan rather I oppose this plan. Yet, some of my fellow distributists and Catholics oppose not only this plan but any plan at all.

The recent accusations leveled against the USCCB are deplorable. Bishops who unambiguously defend the unborn are labeled “socialists” or “traitors” by the conservative political establishment, which currently subsists in Catholic circles, for their support in favor of a public option of health insurance. They are attacked for representing the interests of the poor and for (allegedly) defying the social doctrine of the Church.

Does public insurance violate Catholic Social Doctrine? Perhaps John Paul II can clear it up for us. In Centesimus Annus he writes,


“When there is question of defending the rights of individuals, the defenseless and the poor have a claim to special consideration. The richer class has many ways of shielding itself, and stands less in need of help from the State; whereas the mass of the poor have no resources of their own to fall back on, and must chiefly depend on the assistance of the State. It is for this reason that wage-earners, since they mostly belong to the latter class, should be specially cared for and protected by the Government." (§33. Emphasis Mine)


Government cannot solve all our problems. If the United States were to become the “Social Assistance State” criticized by Pope John Paul II in the same encyclical we should rightly stand against it. But it hasn’t. On the contrary this nation’s reputable past as a “Corporate Assistance State” climaxed with the recent financial bailout. So if, according to John Paul, the poor “depend on the assistance of the State”, what type of aid should they look forward to receiving?

According to the good Pope John XXIII:


Systems of social insurance and social security can make a most effective contribution to the overall distribution of national income in accordance with the principles of justice and equity. They can therefore be instrumental in reducing imbalances between the different classes of citizens.” – (Mater et Magistra §136. Emphasis mine.)


Was the good Pope John a socialist? Was His Holiness betraying the Catholic faith?

The famed anti-Communist and Jesuit sociologist Fr. John F. Cronin provides the answer.


“In effect, this statement is an approval of the redistribution of wealth through social welfare programs. It considers acceptable the aim of seeking to narrow extremes in standards of living in a country. Conservatives generally do not favor governmental measures of such sweeping scope. They prefer to emphasize programs for economic growth and increased efficiency as the preferable methods for raising the living standards of a nation.” (Christianity and Social Progress: A Commentary on Mater et Magistra)


It is the conservatives who deplore those “controversial” aspects consistent with the traditional social doctrine of the Church and it is the progressives who will mistakenly applaud these comments as some sort of vindication for socialism.


If, as is supposed, a public program for health insurance infringes on CSD the claim is inconsistent with the impact the social encyclicals generated in nations which, in addition to public insurance, offer socialized medicine where the majority faithful is Catholic. Even in Malta, Apostolic See and perhaps one of the last bastions of Christendom, socialized medicine lives harmoniously alongside private medicine. Is it a coincidence that, while critiquing largesse government, none of the bishops of these nations have ever objected to socialized medicine, which according to conservatives conflicts with the doctrine of the Church?

Government funding for programs such as social insurance should be garnished primarily from the private sector. Fr. Joseph Husslein, in his book Work, Wealth and Wages reiterates how, for the employer, insurance should be seen as the cost of doing business:


“Social insurance against sickness, invalidity, unemployment and old age is therefore to be favored and legally promoted…[I]f social insurance is needed it should, as far as possible, be levied on the industry.”


Vocal opponents of social insurance often claim that social justice is synonymous with “Socialism”. More often than not, a finger is pointed in the direction of prevailing unorthodox expressions of social justice, exemplified by groups which have more in common with Karl Marx than with Leo XIII. The debate over the so-called incompatibility between religious orthodoxy and social justice has recently resurfaced on a segment of the Fox Network show Glenn Beck. And yet, in Msgr. John A. Ryan’s 1921 book, A Catechism of the Social Question he answers this very issue.


Q. 7. Is every legislative proposal called "Socialistic" condemned by the Church?

A. “To call a proposal Socialistic does not make it Socialism. Socialism is common ownership and management of substantially all the means of production. For the government to own a few industries and manage them is not Socialism; for the men in an industry to own it and manage it cooperatively under one form or another is not Socialism; for the government to own a few industries and the men in the industry either alone or with the assistance of the government to manage those industries is not Socialism. Workmen's compensation acts and social insurance laws are not Socialism.”


Should we remain unconvinced that a public option is in accord with CSD, shouldn’t we study whether remnant rulers of a declining Christendom introduced similar legislation in their respective countries? According to the pro-capitalist and conservative journal Libertad Digital, “…[in Spain] with the established Law of 1963 passed by Francisco Franco, we can truly speak of an authentic Social Security as we know it today.” It was perceived that through social benefits, “the workers participate in the investment of the nation…which belongs to them not just for the sake of solidarity, but justice”. In Austria, under Chancellor Engelbert Dollfuss, “Only five days after the ceremony celebrating the official founding of the chamber, Dollfuss put forward the draft of a bill to create a national system of obligatory social insurance for all Austrians working in agriculture: peasants, their wives and children, as well as their employees.”

Public insurance, in principle, either violates Catholic Social Doctrine or it doesn’t. Should a public option of health insurance be consistent with our faith in most countries and a breach of it in ours, the inconsistency in the Church’s doctrine can only be labeled as schizophrenic. Should institutionalized public insurance defy Catholic Social Doctrine all around, a serious dilemma is present of immense magnitude.

(Nota bene: this is not non sequitur. An implementation of public insurance is based on prudential judgment. I am not insisting all nations must provide their citizens public insurance. Neither do I claim one must vote in favor of social insurance when it violates “non-negotiables”. I am simply submitting to the evidence that social insurance - in principle - does not per se violate CSD. On the other hand, some Catholics are claiming that public insurance does violate the principles of the social encyclicals.)

Public insurance is not a violation of Catholic Social Doctrine. It isn’t socialism. It isn’t government overstepping its bounds and interfering where it shouldn’t. Given this, is it possible public insurance may not be a Catholic predicament after all but rather a conservative one? Is it possible that public insurance is a challenge to American “rugged individualism”?


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What-Ever

With a tip of the hat to Mark T. Mitchell of the Front Porch Republic:


Michael Wesch: The Machine is (Changing) Us.

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The Evangelization of Business

For our readers in the Oakland area who have nothing in particular to do next Saturday, I will be speaking at the Manhattan Forum, sponsored by the St. Anthony of Padua Institute, at St. Margaret Mary Church, 1219 Excelsior Ave. The talk will be on "The Evangelization of Business" and I will tackle the subject from the standpoint of Caritas in Veritate. The talk begins at 3 pm with Mass at 5 and a reception at 6.

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